“Putting the president behind the Resolute Desk turns up the temperature,” said one of those officials. “That’s something to ideally avoid.”

Such an approach remains consistent with how Biden has operated throughout the conflict in the Middle East that began soon after Hamas militants attacked Israel on Oct. 7. But it has also, at times, left the impression that he is captive to events rather than using the powers of his office to shape them.

“We cannot have daylight between us,” Rep. Michael McCaul (R-Texas), chair of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, said Sunday of the U.S.-Israel relationship on CBS News’ “Face the Nation” show. He further blasted the Biden administration for failing to deter Iranian aggression: “That’s why we’re seeing this.”

Biden has made clear — in public statements and private channels — that the U.S. would continue to support Israel’s defense. He has condemned Iran’s actions and reaffirmed the U.S.-Israel alliance, leaving unspoken the differences he has with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu over the war in Gaza.

In the immediate aftermath of the Oct. 7 attacks, Biden hugged Netanayhu and then delivered a national address widely deemed as one of the most pro-Israel speeches from a sitting president.

Since then, he has largely stayed out of the fray. While he has continued to pledge support for Israel, he has also privately grown critical of its conduct of the war. But his public condemnations of Israeli leadership for the killing of thousands of civilians in Gaza have often come in the form of an answer to a stray question from a reporter or a readout of a call with Netanyahu.

Iran’s attacks over the weekend have further complicated the situation the president is dealing with. Biden, aides say, is now focused on forging a diplomatic path forward, aiming to restrain a broader Israeli response while keeping Iran in check in coordination with allies.

The president spoke Sunday morning with his G7 counterparts about potentially imposing retaliatory sanctions on Tehran or listing the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps as a terrorist organization. He also hopped on the phone with Jordan’s king and the commanders of the U.S. squadrons who helped shoot down Iran’s weapons.

A senior administration official told reporters Sunday afternoon that Israelis told their American counterparts “they’re not looking for a significant escalation with Iran.” Asked by POLITICO if the U.S. did not want Israel to respond, the official stated only: “this is a decision for them.”

There was potential for the crisis to pass quickly as Iranian leaders also said Sunday that their attack on Israel was over — unless Israel struck back.

“At this point, the Islamic Republic of Iran has no intention of continuing defensive operations, but if necessary it will not hesitate to protect its legitimate interests against any new aggression,” Foreign Minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian said on X, formerly known as Twitter.

The White House hopes the situation will soon be resolved — but recognizes that Israel may feel the need to respond in some way, according to the officials.

The political dynamic back in Washington unfurled in predictable fashion. Republicans hammered Biden for his criticism of the war in Gaza, claiming that it revealed an insufficient amount of support for Israel at a time when the longtime ally was being attacked. Some GOP leaders also argued that Biden’s foreign policy was not tough enough on Iran, enabling Tehran to launch its historic weekend assault on Israel.

“What the United States needs to do is to understand that Iran has already taken the next step of understanding that they get a free pass for attacking Israel directly from Iranian soil from the United States,” Rep. Mike Turner, chair of the House Intelligence Committee, said Sunday on NBC News’ “Meet the Press” program.

But Biden advisers pointed to Israel’s remarkable success rate in shooting down Iranian weapons — often with the use of American-made defensive weaponry and with help from U.S. forces in the region — as evidence that the administration has been effectively supporting Israel.

National Security Council spokesperson John Kirby made the rounds on Sunday while the president remained out of sight and working the phones.

“Our commitment is ironclad to helping Israel defend itself. And my goodness, did they prove their capability about that last night,” Kirby said Sunday. “Just an incredible performance. And as the president has said many times, we don’t seek a wider war in the region. We don’t seek a war with Iran.”

A presidential address was not scheduled, with the president’s first public comments on the Iranian strikes likely to come in a more informal setting in the days ahead.

Additionally, some Biden advisers believed that the assault on Israel may, temporarily, grant them a reprieve from Democratic critics who have slammed the president for being overly supportive of Israel at the expense of the Palestinian civilians. That anger has become worrisome for the president’s political team, which knows it can not afford to lose young and progressive voters, particularly from key battleground states like Michigan.

But that pause could very well end if Netanyahu defies Biden’s wishes and soon orders a full-on assault on the Gaza city of Rafah, home now to more than a million civilians seeking refuge.

Most leaders of the president’s party have turned their sights to House Speaker Mike Johnson who after many weeks has yet to put a multi-billion dollar aid package for Ukraine and Israel on the floor. Johnson suggested Sunday that he would take up the Israel portion this week — leaving the future of assistance for Ukraine up in the air.

Others, like Sen. John Fetterman (D-Pa.), advise Biden to steer clear from considering conditions on future military aid to Israel over Gaza.